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Saturday 14 March 2009

Zimbabwe Diasporans risk being left behind by coalition Government train.


In Zimbabwe they are confident the coalition will address their problems in the diaspora they are despondent

That the consummation of the coalition Zimbabwe Government has caused confusion in all facets of life in the impoverished country is not debatable.

Expectations in the highly politically polarised country were so divergent and will take time to be reconciled to the reality.

What is beginning to emerge from the confusion which is telling is that within the country most people have banked all hope in the coalition government turning around their socio-political economic misfortunes of the past two decades for the better.

There appears no rational alternative within the country’s body politic to the opportunities presented by the Inclusive Government in the march towards restoration of democratic governance in the country.

There is renewed hope that after all the suffering endured in the country in the past two decades good times are within reach.

If anything was to demonstrate the level of hope engulfing the nation, the funeral of the Premier’s late wife tragically killed in a road traffic accident was instructive.

Thousands of Zimbabweans put on hold the trials and tribulations of providing for day to day living to join the premier in morning his wife.

Even President Mugabe who in the past led his supporters in shouting slogans denouncing the Premier and everything to do with him including his parents, wife, children and cutlery etal as well as everything about his political challenge being Westernised Puppetry, Tea Boy mentality and Ignoramus that should be put down, found it within his heart and mind to join in mourning the tragic loss of the life of the Premier’s wife.

To understand the significance of President Mugabe’s decision to join in mourning the death of Susan Tsvangirai one need only rewind memory to March 11, 2007 when horrendous footage of the battered Premier then opposition MDC President and many of his leading supporters were broadcast internationally.

President Mugabe’s response to accusations of exceeding internationally tolerable limits in dealing with political competition was to declare that he had instructed his Police Officers to beat the opposition leader so hard he would never dream of continuing with Western inspired regime change agendas in the country and he would not hesitate to repeat the cruel treatment in future.

For a person who had made such a declaration to within two years turn around and console the same opponent he wished dead on the loss of the opponent’s wife must have taken a lot of courage on the part of the octogenarian President who is reputed for cold heartedness.

Senior Zanu PF leaders and Members of Parliament from that party who in the immediate past had led militia commandos to assault, rape, maim and kill anyone associated with the Premier followed suit and were there with the Premier for the duration of his wife’s funeral vigil.

Most of them travelled the 200 kilometre journey from Harare to Buhera to be present at the burial of the Premier’s late wife while all those in Harare have been able to shake hands with the Premiers in a symbolic customary show of their condolences which many staunch MDC supporters have not yet managed or may never manage to do despite its customary value.

On 14 March 2009 the Premier and President joined mourners at the National Heroes shrine where the state was burying Retired Army Commander General Vitalis Zvinavashe.

The premier was joined by several Senior MDC leaders and Members of Parliament most of whom had not set foot on the shrine grounds for nearly two decades despites numerous Hero burials having been carried out during that period.

Clearly there is a new spirit of political tolerance at the apex of political formations that the Funerals of the late Premier’s wife and errand Retired General Zvinavashe has managed to convey to various Party grassroots who are still fighting lethal political battles at local community levels despite the consummation of the coalition government.

President Mugabe used Retired General Zvinavashe’s burial to appeal to the nation to embrace the spirit of tolerance political leaders of different formations had fostered in the coalition government.

It was an appropriate time and fitting occasion for the President to make the appeal.
The late General Zvinavashe played a crucial role in liberating the country from British colonisation.

After achieving that onerous task General Zvinavashe was deluded in power and obsessed with racial hatred to a point where he developed a superiority complex that led him to make the infamous 2002 declaration about Military Commanders’ unwillingness to submit to civilian leadership of the country by anyone without liberation war credentials.

The treasonous declaration by Zvinavashe plunged the country into deeper political turmoil when the 2002 presidential elections results were vigorously disputed by the MDC which showed beyond reasonable doubt that there had been massive rigging during the campaign period and the counting and results announcement processes to favour extension of Mugabe’s presidency.

The formation of the 2008 after another disputed Presidential electoral outcome in March to June 2008 seems to have buried the disputes at the top political leadership in the country.

The same cannot be said about its effect on grassroots polarisation and Military buy in.

There are too many incidences of political intolerance and violent as well as psychological strife between party functionaries of different persuasion for anyone to conclude that what is happening at the top of political activism in the country has filtered down to the critical grassroots advocates of different ideologies represented by the political formations in the country.

While the majority are happy with coalition leadership for the time there are significant and material pockets of resistance that needed to ne whipped into line.

Cyber political activism by displaced Zimbabweans in refuge throughout the Diaspora reflects that there is a wide gap between reality on the ground in the country and feelings and opinions of Zimbabweans abroad towards the coalition government initiative.

It is generally believed that many skilled Zimbabweans are living as political and economic refugees in the Diaspora.

The coalition government needs their skills badly yet they are not convinced that an opportunistic changed political environment has visited the country.

Zimbabwe Diasporans have not been represented adequately in the coalition government initiative and they are noting negative reports emanating from the country as the basis of their scepticism in the viability of the coalition government.

To be persuaded to return they need reassurances about their safety from political violence and thuggery.

For them watching the Premier and President chatting and consoling each other publicly at the funeral of the Premier’s wife or Heroes acre is not the change that would persuade them to start preparations to leave their sanctuaries and take part in national reconstruction.

They are convinced that President Mugabe is powerless to reign in his Military commanders and disgruntled senior party functionaries in key State positions.

The reversal of Permanent Secretaries’ deployments was more significant to them than hearing President Mugabe appeal for cessation of political violence.

In the Diaspora President is reputed for indicating right when he is about to turn left and whatever he says to Zimbabweans is taken with a pinch of salt by Diasporans.

Zimbabweans in refuge will be better persuaded to return to the country if the coalition government stops arbitrary arrests and detention of people opposed to the State. In tandem with that they would want to see their voting rights restored by a Constitutional order that is not paranoid about dual citizenship and racism.

They worry when at every opportunity President Mugabe takes aim at the West and accuses it of causing failure in Zimbabwe but does not dissuade political initiatives that not only vitiate property rights but result in dereliction of productive ventures.

Zimbabwe Diasporans are not worried about inadequacies in service delivery like water and sanitation, energy, transport, health, education, communication networks and Civil services.

They actually view those deficiencies as the employment opportunities awaiting their skills.

They are more worried with President Mugabe’s faith in Dr Gono’s continued tenure at the Reserve Bank and Johannes Tomana’s swearing in as Attorney general than the hardships presented by failed service delivery due to policies that dissuade foreign direct investment that the continued faith in these compromised and globally discredited State appointments represents.

The duo’s continued stay in office is to Diasporans as worrying as the continued stay in office of the leaders of the resistance in the country’s military establishments.

Watching Military commanders saluting the civilian leaders in government indiscriminately is more reassuring than watching President Mugabe shedding tears at funerals and then doing nothing to see political detainees freed.

The State controlled media is not helping matters by continuing to publish highly patronised articles that distinguish government officials on party political patronage.

Professor Jonathan Moyo and Caesar Zvayi’s articles in the Herald 14 March 2008 are a case in point.

These are critical issues that need to be addressed to bridge the gap between Zimbabwe Diasporans scepticism and local hope and support in and for the coalition governt.

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