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Friday, 9 January 2009

Substandard foundations by Prof Mutambara


Prof Arthur Mutambara with Morgan Tsvangirai (R) both want to lead Zimbabwe but are far apart in strategy

Professor Mutambara’s desperate fight for political relevance http://www.zimdaily.com/news/mutambara27.6747.html never ceases to amaze.

In a bus analogue MDC Economic Advisor Hon Eddie Cross had this to say in an indirect reference to the Mutambara/Makoni harmonised coalition that they boast was detrimental in Zanu PF and MDC failing to dominate the Zimbabwe political landscape albeit falsely.

“Last time someone did that they ended up in the bush, dumped on the side of the road and having to walk back to civilization - they are still walking.”


How apt when Prof Mutambara and Dr Makoni hitherto untouchable academic supremacists turned dismal politicians are the subject matter.

While Dr Makoni has been seen in Buhera on at least three occasions seeking for Morgan Tsvangirai – they are maternally related – Mutambara has been in the media houses seeking the same Tsvangirai.

The academics are in the political woods and desperately need Tsvangirai and the MDC to pluck them out.

They could have avoided themselves the growing political pains by applying their academic minds to the reality that established political parties like Zanu PF and the MDC cannot be wished away in any election in Zimbabwe.

They split and divided the MDC and belittled its leadership but still suffered monumental defeats at the hands of the MDC whose leadership they despise and believe is inferior to them academically and politically.

Of the two political pretenders, none of whom has ever won any contested political office in their lives yet they believe themselves to be first order of merit political strategists, it is Prof Mutambara who stands out as the worst highly educated political buffoon.

In his recent article titled “Laying the Foundation for 2009” Prof Mutambara exposed his political amateurism and inflated academic prowess yet achieved nothing more than the usual scorn and derision reserved for him and his adherents whenever he attempts to lecture them about the values of his education rather than political acumen that they desperately need to confront Mugabe and Zanu PF.

His article is a classic example of a politician swimming against the tide and making a worse fool of himself than the foolish master he tries to emulate.

“Hopelessness and despair characterize and define the national psyche. There has been complete leadership failure across the board, within Zimbabwe, in the region and in the international community,” Prof Mutambara passed the verdict on his leadership capabilities in 2008.

That is exactly the point Zimbabweans have been hammering at him from 2006 when he gate crashed the political landscape as a faction leader of Tribal malcontents whose political ego had been overinflated by successes of a political initiative whose loyalties they were not fully appreciative of.

Accepting leadership of a renegade faction of political renegades who were more concerned with safeguarding their individual political power than advancing the political interests of the people that elected them to lead was and still remains leadership failure of the greatest magnitude on Prof Mutambara’s part.

Failure to realise that to date is the final manifestation of Mutambara’s catastrophic political leadership acumen.

That he is a failed leader is not debatable. What can only be debated is who else is with him in the category of failed political leaders.

Dr Makoni, Robert Mugabe and Thabo Mbeki come close to the level of this failure except the other two have a following Mutambara can never fathom in his entire lifetime.

“In particular we seek to slay that elephant in the national living room: How ignorant and unstrategic external involvement in the Zimbabwean discourse does more harm than good,” Prof Mutambara set out his treatise parameters.

They start from assumptions that discourse on Zimbabwe is only knowledgeable, enlightened and strategic if it is from those in Zimbabwe and anyone outside involving himself with that discourse from elsewhere risks inputting ignorant and unstrategic data into the process.

But such assumptions are merely what they are –ASSUMPTIONS. They rationale is neither valid nor accurate. From the outset Prof Mutambara is out to slay a huge elephant that is only existent in the political wilderness he and his renegades are in.

It is doubtful he has the necessary weaponry and ammunition to achieve that given that he seems to be out hunting for an ogre he has never seen nor understands.

Needless to say that the argument that “in the year 2008, brazen and crass Western shenanigans have actually undermined the opposition and strengthened Robert Mugabe” is scapegoating by a politician who has failed to achieve a political undertaking to lead his party to electoral victory over Mugabe and Zanu PF.
“The 'Mugabe Must Go' Chorus”
“There is nothing new and creative in this 'Mugabe must go' mantra,”
argues Mutambara.

This outrageous conclusion by him is premised on his belief that those who belong to this school of thought are lacking in common intellect yet good hearted. They must be both good hearted and intelligent –like you know who- to be allowed to sing that chorus.

“Some of us have been singing the 'Mugabe must go' mantra for the past 21 years, to no avail. Incidentally, Western governments disagreed with us in 1988 when we turned against the Zanu PF regime. Now they patronize us, as if they understand why Mugabe must go, better than us, his Zimbabwean victims,” he objected.

It is clear Mutambara has lost the plot here. The West was the target of our collective anger over nearly a century of the Colonial hegemony the perpetrated in our country.

That sad chapter was closed on 18 April 1980 when they put their tails between their legs and the British Empirical heir apparent Prince Charles lowered the Union Jack in front of a packed Rufaro Stadium in Harare.

The Zimbabwe flag was simultaneously hoisted in its place signalling the end of Western involvement with our internal politics. If we turned against Mugabe and Zanu PF in 1988, Western governments had no reason to support us as we had unanimously dispensed with their involvement.
That is why they did not intercede in our support over Gukurahundi. We had elected Mugabe to carry out that exercise and we not the Western governments were the foot soldiers in that horrendous act. Why did we not sanction Mugabe and Zanu PF in the 1990 elections if we were opposed to Gukurahundi massacres?

Surely we did not need the West to vote with us against Mugabe and Zanu PF.
Maybe we are the slow learners after all. Are we seriously expected to have shown indignation with Gukurahundi by allowing PF Zapu to unify with Zanu PF and then voting overwhelmingly for a Zanu PF government Professor?

The Western governments took a cue from our voting and honoured Mugabe for the achievements we had approved including his crimes that we had condoned. It is pathetic to now turn against them and say why you failed or refused to support us because if anything they supported us in tandem with how we had voted.

If they had sang the Mugabe must go chorus then when no less than 70%of us had voted for Mugabe’s retention as President Professor Mutambara’s accusation would hold water but they did not.

“While you seek to assist us in our struggles for change, your brazen behaviour effectively undermines us and strengthens our opponents. You must listen to us and not the other way round,” Mutambara lectured.

Sadly the lecture is at variance with reality. If the West rewarded Mugabe with Honorary degrees and international awards after Gukurahundi massacres resulted in us voting for his retention how did they undermine us?

“Every European leader and their grandmother joined in, supporting the “many” voices of African leaders. To crown it all, there was an incompetent dash to the UN Security Council, where everything came crumbling down; what an embarrassing non-event,” Prof Mutambara deduced after alleging there were no African leaders calling for Mugabe to go.

That the Mugabe must go chorus was a 21 year old African chorus which is in his own words “neither new nor creative” seems to have deserted the “intelligent” Professor because it had been sang by a morally repugnant Western leadership.

The call was no longer African led notwithstanding that it has been a 21 year obsession of African leaders like Mutambara and many others before him, living and deceased political opponents of Mugabe and Zanu PF’s vicious hegemony.

Those in Africa who were relied upon by the West to echo the Mugabe must go chorus did not represent any particular African country and where they did they were “usually reckless and unimaginative like Botswana’s Ian Khama” in Mutambara’s own words.

“So when these American and European leaders went into chorus who were they supporting? In a continent of 53 countries, the US and UK could not convince a single African President to be part of their elegant chorus,” Mutambara lashed out.

We can only conclude that Mutambara is not an African leader worth Western support because when they echoed “his 21 year old Mugabe Must Go chorus” they offended him by not adding an African President in their choir.

Pathetic!

Which African leader is more important to Zimbabweans than their own home grown Professor Arthur Mutambara who has been singing the solo chorus for 21 years?

If Prof Mutambara is as true a Zimbabwean African leader as he portrays himself to be and has been a soloist singer of the Mugabe must go chorus for 21 years without securing a single African head of state’s backing vocals for the chorus was it because he did not ask them to join him in singing the chorus or could it be that he has never sang the chorus and does not intent to ever sing it?

“If the Western leaders were indeed just supporting themselves why did they lie that they were supporting voices of African leaders? If they care about what African leaders think, why did they not spend enough time convincing the real African leaders of the correctness of Western positions and thereafter, have the African leaders speak first?" asked Prof Mutambara.

Kindergarten pupils would tell Prof Mutambara that it is him as the opposition political leader who is leading the call for Mugabe to go and for him to take over the reins of power in the country.

If he wants to be led by Mugabe he needs not present himself as a political entity outside Zanu PF which is the established political formation led by Mugabe.

If there is anyone in need of supporting vocals for the Mugabe must go chorus it is the Professor and not the Western heads of state.

Instead of chiding newly found backup vocals to his chorus he should be chiding the African heads of state he has been singing to for refusing to echo him.

That is what Zimbabweans expect from intelligent politicians. They expect, for example, Presidents Kgalema Motlanthe, Armando Geubuza, José Eduardo dos Santos, Jakaya Kikwete and Mwai Kibaki to be international statesman who are as open to receiving Mutambara and his followers with the same open hand of solidarity and friendship they extent to Mugabe and Zanu PF.

Zimbabweans expect Prof Mutambara to forge meaningful, beneficial and lasting foreign relations with anyone who sympathises with their plight under Zanu PF misrule.

Such friends must be prepared to resound Prof Mutambara’s Mugabe Must go chorus within reasonable time of realising the representations justifying that call from Prof Mutambara and certainly not wait for 21 days to stand up for trampled human rights.

“But no, the Western powers chose to create their own pseudo African leaders, (including Prof Mutambara who has sung the chorus for 21 years we must add) and then force a 'world chorus'” deduced Mutambara {with my insert}.

Surely if Mutambara can sing a chorus for 21 years and then when it arouses interest lash back at the interested he is leading a lost cause. “This was sure to fail,” as he correctly observes.

Not because of lack of support but because the preferred supporters are detested.

“There are three ways Mugabe can be removed from the Presidency and leadership of Zimbabwe: (1) use of violence or arms of war (2) peaceful mass uprising or demonstrations (3) free and fair elections,” we must concur with the Professor.

We also agree that suggesting forceful removal without structures to carry out the threat is wishful thinking that is demoralising.

But we must dispel these Mutambara fears. “Of course they can get rid of Mugabe that way. However, Western forces will have to bleed on Zimbabwean soil in the process. It will not be a walk in the park.”

The Rhodesia front army was much more portent and better trained, funded and nourished than the Colonial Liberation Movement army and certainly the current national Army.

We all know which army triumphed in the final analysis don’t we.

The resolve, determination and dedication in the Colonial Liberation army leadership is what Prof Mutambara sadly lacks.

There will be no war fought to remove Mugabe with frightened leaders like Mutambara at the helm.

That today’s Iraq is democratically worse off than Saddam Hussein’s Iraq can only be sold to foolish academics not real politicians.

Could a journalist have attempted throwing shoes at Saddam Hussein’s guest and live to see the sunset of the day he/she committed such a courageous expression of public dissent?

“Only two African countries, Botswana and Kenya have expressed an appetite for physical confrontation with Zimbabwe. We will not even dignify Botswana’s posturing with too much discussion. They have no army, but an incompetent police force which has no capacity to invade a desert much less a country with Zimbabwe’s military experience,” concluded Mutambara.

That then settles issues for Mutambara. Zimbabwe is a military powerhouse in Africa no Western nation will stroll past in combat let alone impoverished African country armies.

Hungry, disillusioned, demoralised, absconding Zimbabwe soldiers are in Mutambara’s opinion likely to prosecute a war in support of their oppression than well fed, motivated and free armies volunteering to end human abuses in Zimbabwe by a despotic Junta establishment.

We can only deduce that Prof Mutambara lacks in-depth understanding of what armies fight for and what drives them to victory in any battle.

We would urge him to watch the Football World Cup and determine why rich nations have time and again fallen to poorer contestants of inferior training and technical aptitude.

“How many of us join their brave marches? How many Zimbabweans joined the soldiers when they went on the rampage on the streets of Harare? It is clear that the appetite for an 'orange revolution' in Zimbabwe has still to be developed, before a mass uprising becomes a realistic platform to drive Mugabe out,” deduced Mutambara on prospects of a civil uprising.

According to the Professor the reason Zimbabweans are yet to develop an appetite for mass uprising is because politicians within the opposition movement are not yet ready to assume the sacrifices that this option entails.

“Where political leaders go into hiding at the slightest threat of persecution, we fail to see how this option can be brought to fruition,” he stated.

We must disagree with Prof Mutambara on this one. He is being prosecuted for an opinion he published late 2008 in the Zimbabwe Standard but is not in hiding.

No less than 30 MDC activists are currently in remand prison after being kidnapped and held incommunicado for several months between the Months of October and December 2008.

They are not in hiding or are they?

In the run up to the March parliamentary elections the MDC offices were invaded and ransacked by State Police and many leaders were detained for months without charge only to be released when trumped up charges of terrorism training in South Africa collapsed when the training camps could not be located.

Hon Chamisa was viciously attacked at the Harare International Airport by known armed State Security operatives while enroute to a Government sanctioned meeting.

He did not go into hiding and his assailants are still at large. In March 2007 most MDC leaders were arrested in Highfield and all except Professor Mutambara were savagely assaulted while in police custody.

They did not go into hiding and were there to win an unprecedented Parliamentary majority 12 months later.

Morgan Tsvangirai has been detained and accused of terrorism more than any other opposition politician in Zimbabwe but has always been there to lead democratic resistance against Mugabe and Zanu PF.

At one point he was barred from returning to Zimbabwe because Party intelligence had discovered an assassination plot against him.

In June he took refuge in the Netherlands embassy after withdrawing his candidature from the illegitimate Presidential runoff poll and being visited by armed assassins at his house.

As soon as the threat was exposed enough and the Junta gave undertakings they would not arrest and detain him he was back with the people that adore and respect his leadership.

Currently he has been out of the country for 3 months because the Junta government in place had refused to show seriousness about forming the SADC mediated inclusive government.

Meanwhile there is an extensive dossier of terrorism training activities by his party before SADC and many of his key staffers have been abducted and held incommunicado for periods ranging between 1-3 months.

Tsvangirai would have been among them had it not been that he remained in South Africa after the circus SADC gathering in Sandtown that ordered co-ministering of the Home Affairs Ministry and formation of the inclusive government as a solution to disputed power sharing initiatives by Mugabe and Zanu PF.

Professor Mutambara acceded to this foolishness and to date the process has not moved an inch forward despite him telling us that SADC were the movers and shakers of the Global Political Agreement (GPA).

We all know why there has been no movement don’t we.

Sadc cannot determine the nature and form of our government. They can only influence it politically, economically and socially.

The electorate can and they are at present behind Tsvangirai and not Mugabe or Mutambara. That is why the rejects are resorting to a military inspired solution and determined to hang onto power by whatever means they can do so legal, moral or otherwise.

Obviously Professor Mutambara is not ready to lead an uprising because that uprising will sweep him aside and restore Tsvangirai’s legitimate claim to the country’s Presidency.

Zimbabweans are being taken for a ride by this Prof Mutambara whom Mugabe is grooming to lead Zanu PF.

How else can they explain why Mutambara does not want the Mugabe must go chorus to be sung louder than his solo hum and certainly not by anyone other than the 53 disinterested and reluctant African heads of state.

How else can we explain a Prof Mutambara who publicly rallies Zimbabweans to “drive the dictator out of office” and the one who believes no workable political solution is possible in Zimbabwe if the same dictator is not made part of that solution and rewarded with the Presidency he urges his supporters to strip him of?

How can any sane and peace loving Zimbabwean believe and trust a Professor Mutambara who condones Mugabe stealing an election using the state military establishments to retain power yet at the time offer to lead them to triumph over the despot using an informal agreement which is of no legal consequence whatsoever if Mugabe shreds it and trashes it in the waste basket?

How can Zimbabweans believe in the leadership of a Professor Mutambara who of the firm belief that they are not election ready months after they have braved a gruelling and vicious election campaign that saw hundreds of their relatives butchered in cold blood by the same Mugabe they rejected at the polls?

Why would Zimbabweans want to ditch a Mugabe who leads them out of the economic woods, nurtures national healing and restores democratic constitutional democracy unless they are myopic?

Is it not discontent with Mugabe’s failure and or refusal to lead them to economic prosperity, uphold equitable rule of law, and allow them to elect leaders of their choice, stamp out corruption, and uphold their fundamental rights as humans and citizens that is driving opposition for Mugabe and Zanu PF?

What sort of political creativity informs Professor Mutambara that helping Mugabe and Zanu PF clear their past record of failed leadership will revile them in the eyes of the electorate rather than endear them to the electorate that yearns for the prosperity that has so far been denied them by the same Zanu PF and Mugabe?

“How do we achieve a free and fair election in Zimbabwe? Certainly not through demanding harmonized elections today which will be conducted under June 27 conditions. Needless to say in such a plebiscite Mugabe will capture the Presidency and the current combined opposition majority in Parliament will be completely reversed,” believes Mutambara.

Free fair and credible elections are a fundamental right for every Zimbabwean wishing to participate in them in terms of the country’s current flawed Constitution.

Professor Mutambara being one of the people at the forefront of wanting to lead the country must be asking why his preferred African heads of state democratic vanguard must be trusted to deliver on that fundamental right if they sit back with folded arms when Mugabe and Zanu PF uses military force to vitiate those rights with impunity of the pre- June farcical presidential runoff.

Instead the professor runs at a tangent and attacks the Western leaders for not supporting these docile African leaders in perpetuating Mugabe misrule.

This kind of strategy is beyond the comprehension of most Zimbabweans and is without precedent.

“Let us be strategic. Our people and country are not election ready at the moment,” deduced Prof Mutambara.

We agree only if he means the people that are behind his leadership bid who confirmed that belief beyond any shred of doubt in March 2008.

The same cannot be said about the 3 million voters who in their majority voted for Tsvangirai and his MDC leadership ahead of Mugabe and his Zanu PF.

They do not need any transitional period to express their free will. Rather they need Professor Mutambara to persuade his dependable and informed African heads of state to guarantee them safety from Zanu PF electoral violence and repression before and after any election in the country and they will show Mutambara how election ready they are.

They need professor Mutambara to persuade his trusted African heads of state to sing the democratic chorus loudly that whoever looses in elections they pass as credible, free and fair must go including Mugabe and Mutambara something he does not seem to realise he is in complicit defiance with Mugabe.

He lost the Zengeza East Parliamentary bid in March and must respect that for this parliament his services were not required.

By exploiting a flawed SADC inspired rescue plan for Mugabe and negotiating himself back into parliament with less than 1000 votes to back him Mutambara is acting no different to Mugabe who looses the election by a wide 5% margin and invokes violence to remain in office.

For Mutambara to negotiate not just an ordinary Member of Parliament but a Deputy Premiership accommodation in the evil Sadc rescue plan for Mugabe is as violent on his part as Mugabe who defies the electorate using State militia and African heads of neighbouring states.

Professor Mutambara must never lose sight of that.

What guarantees does Prof Mutambara hold that the GPA of 15 September 2008 he signed with Tsvangirai and Mugabe is more legally and militarily binding on Mugabe to allow free and fair elections than the Constitution of Zimbabwe he has been custodian of for 28 consecutive years but breached with reckless military abandon each time elections were held and escaped recrimination?

Whoever wants to believe this political tomfoolery by Professor Mutambara is free to do so but they must be prepared for disappointing outcomes in banking their trust in his illogical vision.

“Why Mugabe Cannot Go Away Through Talks”
“The election results from March 29, 2008 produced no outright winner both in Parliament and at the Presidency. The June 27 re-run was an illegitimate farce, so we are stuck with the March inconclusive outcome. As democrats, we must accept that this means that Mugabe and his party are as much a factor as Tsvangirai and his Party are.

Short of a new set of elections or change of leadership by their parties, it means neither Tsvangirai nor Mugabe can be negotiated away. On what basis can we have a negotiated agreement that excludes Robert Mugabe? If we accept the March results as legitimate, he is a leader of a party which won 99 MPs vs. 100 for MDC-T, 30 Senators vs. 24 for MDC-T. He came second to Tsvangirai, 43.2% vs. 47.8%. More importantly Mugabe currently possesses the Presidency of Zimbabwe, yes illegitimately. Well, at law they say that possession is 90% of ownership.

The fact that Mugabe has this power of incumbency is the reason why Arthur Mutambara is still on trial in the Supreme Court, Tendai Biti has treason charges around his neck, activists are being abducted, and Morgan Tsvangirai, the Prime Minister-Designate, had a torrid time getting a passport.

This means Mr. Mugabe is in charge of the Zimbabwean State. Given this reality on the ground and the electoral outcome of March 29 2008 (which because of our lack of strategic thinking we have all sanitized as a legitimate outcome), it is foolishness to think that you can negotiate Robert Mugabe out of power, and somehow miraculously achieve a power-sharing arrangement that excludes him,”
Mutambara concluded.

First it is not true that the March 29 elections did not produce an outright winner. They did. Even the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, the Sadc and AU observers and Mugabe’s own Chief election Agent Emmerson Mnangagwa conceded that Mugabe was beaten into 2nd place by Morgan Tsvangirai.

That the declared margin of Tsvangirai’s victory did not meet Constitutional requirements for him to be declared President elect is a legally contentious issue that will never be resolved because the military intervened on behalf of the defeated Mugabe to suspend the declaration being made by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC).

Professor Mutambara knows that the results were tempered with but still makes a political statement that casts aspersion on whether or not Tsvangirai indeed won the March 29 elections.

For what purpose we wonder? Could it be to lay foundation for justifying his stealth re-entry into Parliament via the diabolical Sadc inspired GPA of 15 September 2008? We are sure of that.

Secondly in first past the post election models the world over such as the ones we subscribe to in Zimbabwe the margin of the win is not of material consequence. The one with the most votes in his favour is duly elected notwithstanding the narrowness of the victory margin.

That is why Professor Mutambara is not contesting the defeat of his fielding in Tsholotsho North by Professor Jonathan Moyo by the narrowest of margins.

That the Constitution prescribes a runoff Presidential election where the initial winner does not command an overall majority in the initial contest does not invalidate the initial win.

It only gives a second chance for the initial winner and the first runner up to square up in a runoff which will produce an overall winner unless they garner a dead hit in that round whereupon parliament will sit as an electoral college to separate them and determine the ultimate winner.

That process is strictly pre regulated in the country’s electoral laws but we have a situation where a stood down and defeated former Justice Minister was re-engaged by a defeated presidential contestant to override Parliament and change the critical statute in favour of a runoff claimant who was clearly out of time with his demand for a runoff.

Professor Mutambara uses that flawed process to justify a clearly illegal runoff that turned out to be a sham of unimaginable proportions and yet still hopes to be seriously considered to be in opposition to the person who used possession of power to invalidate standing statutes.

Mugabe’s command of 99 Parliamentary seats as opposed to Tsvangirai’s 100 means Mugabe lost the Parliamentary control to Tsvangirai by the one seat and Prof Mutambara must know that.

How else does he explain his failed bid for the Parliamentary speakership after Zanu PF threw its weight behind his nominee for the post?

If it is it is “foolishness to think that you can negotiate Robert Mugabe out of power, and somehow miraculously achieve a power-sharing arrangement that excludes him,” then Professor Mutambara must be the most foolish political demagogue in Zimbabwe.

His signature is permanently appended to the GPA of 15 September 2008 which he believes is the only workable and efficient means to exclude Mugabe from future Zimbabwe governance.

How, if negotiations will not work against Mugabe, did he extract the GPA and how will he use it to out manage Mugabe from a government in which Mutambara is happy to be his subordinate?

These are issues that expose Mutambara’s political naivety which he sadly flaunts as creativity.
If Mugabe cannot be negotiated out of power we can safely conclude the GPA process will not achieve that desirable and therefore does not require our support.

“In terms of democratic practice it will be unjust, and in terms of real politick it will be impossible. Oh yes, on the basis of the March 29 harmonized results, Mugabe should be part of any power-sharing transitional authority in Zimbabwe, since he is President of a Party well represented in both legislative houses, and he came second in the inconclusive Presidential race,” Mutambara eulogised.

With political competitors like this does Mugabe really need supporters?

The only democratic injustice inflicting Zimbabwe at the moment is Mugabe’s refusal to abide by the preset electoral rules and use of the State militia to achieve that.

To argue that Mugabe is a likely victim of undemocratic practice if he is forcibly dispossessed of a Presidency he has forcibly expropriated is utter political stupidity by Mutambara.

To add that Mugabe deserves leadership of a power sharing deal in Zimbabwe because he the President of a well represented Party in both legislative houses rather than a winner of elections for posts in those houses is repugnant politicking by Mutambara.

Most opposition political parties are well represented in Parliaments the world over but does that give them the mandate to form governments? No. Why then must Mugabe be treated any differently when his party loses elections?

“We might not like these democratic circumstances, but we have to live with that reality. Politics is an art of the possible,” Mutambara declared.

Utter rubbish.

Politics is the art of using cocktails of unorthodox and orthodox means to outmanoeuvre political rivals from powerful leadership positions.

Only those with the steel to lead such initiatives must be in leadership positions for such initiatives not deceitful lily livered demagogues like Prof Mutambara.

In the current Zimbabwean political landscape, the possibilities belong to the people not both Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai as Mutambara would like us to believe.

They need us more than they need each other. We need not debate the specific role that Mugabe should play any other way than through free and fair elections
To fool himself that “for now that debate was settled by Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara when they signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA) on 15 September 2008 when the people are clearly frustrating the implementation of the agreement is revelling on political embers by a political novice.

Robert Mugabe may be President Designate, Morgan Tsvangirai is Prime Minister Designate and Professor Mutambara Deputy Prime Minister Designate in the GPA agreement but when it comes to real exercise of power the mandate has been given to Tsvangirai by the people and unless the implementation of the GPA acknowledges and reflects that people position it will fail and Professor Mutambara will be as much accountable as those of his ilk.

That the GPA is not the only show in town nor means to the desired end in our politics is not debatable and Mutambara knows that without any doubt.

“A lot of debates and thinking have gone into crafting alternatives to the Agreement of September 15 2008. Unfortunately, it has been a comedy of errors and unsophisticated hallucinations,” brags Mutambara.

We need not remind him of the fate that has befallen previous proponents of such supremacists’ political absolutes. They were proven wrong in time and Prof Mutambara’s views are not an exception.

He may yet live to have a political CV that reads Deputy Prime Minister Designate Inclusive Government of Zimbabwe agreed on 15 September 2008 that was never implemented unless he changes course and supports the people’s wishes not Mugabe and Tsvangirai’s wishes and need for each other.

“None of the proposals from the ICG, the civic society groups (both national and regional), or the arrogant and ignorant international community has addressed this simple challenge: How are you going to ensure that both MDC-T and Zanu PF will embrace your new grand proposal? If one or both of them do not accept your framework what are you going to do? Please, this is commonsensical,” Mutambara lamented.

We can only remind Mutambara that the reason why Mugabe and Zanu PF have failed to lead the country to the promised prosperity they always make a priority in elections is because they have lost arrogant and ignorant international good will and he will be no exception to that rule if he continues on the self destruct path that Mugabe has walked in the past without realising any joy.

The issues at centre stage are not MDC and Zanu PF embracing each other but who is willing to work to resolve expressed people problems in Zimbabwe. That is the only commonsensical position to support.

Anyone seeking to resolve the Zimbabwean crisis democratically and within the laws of Zimbabwe must apply their mind to this critical success factor not MDC/Zanu PF convergence of thinking.

We should not waste time justifying the utility of a flawed GPA Professor Mutambara acknowledges to be flawed in resolving people’s politically prescribed economic and social trials and tribulations in the country.

Our imagination should focus on achieving power structures that ensures draconian use of prerogatives is put in check once and for all.

Mugabe deserves all the condemnation he is getting because he has been in charge of our country for the past 28 years and all its successes and failures are his to account for.

Mugabe does not need to negotiate peace with anyone within or outside Zimbabwe. All that is required of him is to abide by the country’s laws and he will have more friends than enemies on his side.

The minute he disregards certain fundamental laws and principles of democratic governance he will create a swell of opponents which will oppose him and the result will be wasteful negotiations that lead the country to nowhere.

Whoever told Mutambara that “South Africa is the only country with leverage on Zimbabwe” is a shallow analyst.

If that was the case why is it that the country is in a political and economic malaise when the South African presence is visible in every facet of its structures?

Surely someone elsewhere is causing the malaise for it is inconceivable that South Africa would be using its leverage to cause the problems the country is facing.

“To bring any kind of change in Zimbabwe you have to work with SA, and not insult or humiliate them,” Mutambara declares.

Is Zimbabwe a South African province or colony Professor Mutambara?

Change will come to Zimbabwe with or without South African leverage. The respect that Mutambara wants to be shown to South Africa must be earned by the corresponding respect it accords our leaders and in particular Morgan Tsvangirai.

Indeed “anyone serious about the Zimbabwean agenda must grasp this,” including Mutambara. Attacking Jendayi Fraser, the USA and the British will not solve our problems.

Respecting Tsvangirai and his political wins will get the ball rolling for the country. You cannot seriously reduce yourself to the role of defending Tsvangirai from Western abuse as if you are his Party’s public relations manager or Foreign Affairs Secretary.

Let him burn from his alleged association with the West if it such a dreaded political alliance by Zimbabweans.

Professor Mutambara must desist from earning cheap political points by attacking Tsvangirai whose win made it possible for him to have a sniff at power in Zimbabwe in the first instance.

He obviously believes it was the South Africans who defeated Mugabe on 29 March 2008.

The attempt to bring Tsvangirai into confrontation with the USA was to say the least Herdsmen fight spoiling tactics by professor Mutambara that need no further comment.

Why is it right for Mugabe to rely on Pan African support to retain power and improper for Tsvangirai to counterbalance that with Western support if the power Mugabe has is being abused with African blessings?

“We seriously hope that incoming US President Obama and his new team will depart from this ignorant, ruinous and ineffective foreign policy that effectively undermines its intended beneficiaries, strengthens the targeted villains, while blighting the US standing in the World,” Mutambara pleaded.

Are we right in the deduction that the “we” means the Pan Africanist Zanu PF and MDC PF axis since Tsvangirai is already in allegedly in the USA and the Western fold?

If we are correct then the plea will fall on deaf ears as Obama is unlikely to be happy to be associated with politicians who insult his predecessors as ignorant to buy his heart and mind.

If anything we expect Obama to lead an American foreign policy that compels Mugabe and Mutambara to subscribe to democratic practice in Zimbabwe not farcical and vile leadership epitomised by leadership elitist pacts.

"Things have to change in 2009. We are not naïve."

The only changes necessary in Zimbabwe is not USA or western foreign policies towards the country. Rather it is the country’s foreign policies towards the West and its internal policies and political management that must be upgraded to world class levels.

It is clear that unless such changes are taken on board even the rich Zimbabweans like Mutambara will be subjected to demands by the poor masses they unilaterally abuse for humane treatment.

“All Zimbabwean leaders must understand this. We must collectively take responsibility for the calamity afflicting our country. In particular, Professor Arthur Mutambara, Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai are equally culpable for the failure to work together. They are effectively working against the interests of their supporters and the generality of our citizenry. The tthree leaders are more concerned about a misguided power play executed at the expense of Zimbabwean lives. They have blood on their hands.”

I have purposefully included Prof Mutambara in the above citation he made beut excluded himself when at every other turn he claims to be Zimbabwean political kingmaker to make him realise that he is not as saintly as he thinks he is.

“There is absolutely no way Tsvangirai and his Party will be the beneficiaries of the collapse of Robert Mugabe. Quite to the contrary, the Zanu PF regime will make sure they collapse together with Tsvangirai and MDC-T,” declares Mutambara.

Why must we then join him in an alliance from hell with Party leaders who are prepared to take us down with them if they are voted out of power?

Who then is the chief saboteur of the GPA the West or the signatories of the agreement?

“Do the current abductions, confessions and dubious trials of activists mean anything to anyone? MDC-T will not exist after the demise of Mugabe. I hope Mr. Tsvangirai understands this in no uncertain terms. I wish our brazen and unintelligent Western friends will do more listening and thinking. This Mugabe must collapse strategy is not in the best interest of Zimbabwe. A regime change agenda achieved through a scorched earth policy is not what we need in our country. It will not benefit anyone” said Prof Mutambara.

Shall we then accept Mugabe misrule because military rule is waiting in the wings if his rule collapses?

We are tired of living in fear of our leaders and they can do whatever to intimidate us but we are no longer left with any options but to make a last stand against tyranny from Mugabe, Mutambara of the Zimbabwe Army commanders.

For that reason Mugabe must go into the retirement that the 29 March election determined. That position can only be reversed by another credible election and not Prof Mutambara, Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai in secretive negotiations before SADC.

Conclusion

“The year 2009 presents us with an opportunity for a new beginning”.


There is nothing new or creative that can come from a Mugabe led inclusive government.

Mugabe is old tired and must retire or be retired.

We must invite anyone caring for our country’s recovery from the political, economic and social malaise to join us in singing that chorus and acting towards its successful execution.

We must never show respect for a political despot who has outlived his usefulness and deserves to be cared for by the State for his past sacrifices and chided for his past misdemeanours.

The days of silent acceptance of the wanton violation of our rights as Zimbabweans are well and truly over and we must state that loudly and unambiguously.
Mugabe Must Indeed GO.

That agenda has long been set and no agenda is necessary before we accomplish that initial objective.

Wednesday, 7 January 2009

The tragedy of being formally employed in Zimbabwe



Zimbabwe formal and informal workers in the struggle to draw cash from banks

Today’s Zimbabwe is no place for anyone with work skills and abilities to seek employment and hope to sustain an average let alone basic standard of living.

Twenty years down memory lane the virtues of being formally employed were uppermost drivers of deliberate action by Zimbabweans. Not any longer. Zimbabwean salaries and wages have been transformed from individual assets to individual liabilities.

The workplace has been transformed from a friendly and healthy social networking platform with immense opportunities for realising economic gains to a hazardous death trap for anyone who dares trudge into it.

Formal employment is in this context defined as the written and unwritten contract between business entities and individuals to engage in joint activities aimed at producing and retailing goods and services wherein the business undertakes to pay individuals contracted to it a regular salary or wage for services rendered to it.

In Zimbabwe such contracts are principally regulated by the Labour Relations Act 28:01 (LRA). This principal statute is buttressed by Common Law principles and various other area specific statutes such as the Finance Act, The Public Service Act, The Marriages Acts, The Pensions and Provident Fund Act, The Workers Compensation Act, The National Social Security Act and the Citizenship Act to name but a few.

The LRA makes any relationship between an employer and employee, written or otherwise, that has subsisted for three consecutive months duly formalised and enforceable at law via structured and hierarchical quasi-judicial institutions from the shop flow up to fully judicial structures like the Labour Court, High Court and Supreme Court.

As a general rule all disputes in labour matters on issues of merits must be resolved by the Labour Court if they are to be considered to have exhausted domestic remedies by the High Court necessitating its intervention.

Even then the High Court reluctantly intervenes in purely labour disputes when given compelling reasons to do so.

Any disputes on a question of law that arises after a Labour Court can be referred to the Supreme Court for final determination of the legal principle in dispute.
In this framework where Zimbabweans must first be contracted to work, remunerated periodically as evidence of the subsistence of the employment contract and formally terminated if the relationship has to end, workers are victims of trials and tribulations that hardly ever make headline news unless they are politically well positioned or connected.

The failure to highlight worker issues and prod proactive jurisprudence in Labour laws resulted in immense powers devolving to Trade Union officials with better insight in workplace regulation.

Many formal workers trust their Trade Union representative more than they do the Human Resources expert and or their local political leader.

It is that trust that has been cleverly exploited by the MDC when it mutated into a political party and the reason behind the loyalty of its support.

The swell in its support base is directly linked to the hardships associated with securing and retaining formal employment in the country and the attendant economic deprivation it has caused on many Zimbabweans.

In the agro-based economy where between 60-80% of the country’s population lived on informal subsistence agricultural enterprise financed by between 20-40% formally employed people it was always coming that as the employed found it more and more difficult to finance their day to day living requirements the swell of discontent would suck in the informal sector and subsistence peasant farmers as financial support from workers dried up.

The scarcity of formal work opportunities pushed many aspiring workers into informal and in many insistences illegal means of sustaining a livelihood.

The government did not do itself a service by indulging in an unplanned Land acquisition programme which was morally justified but economically suicidal as it further curtailed formal employment opportunities in the largest employment sector of commercial agriculture and downstream industries.

Land ownership without adequate finance to make it productive and self sustaining resulted in food insecurity for the country and increased discontent with the government whose many functionaries had benefited from the proceeds of the repossessed farmlands.

Even the beneficiaries of the land redistribution initiative who had lost formal jobs and thought they would use land ownership to compensate for their lost income generating capacity as employees found that being cash strapped landlords was not the remedy they desired and joined the landless in grieving against the government.

The government was forced to indulge in quasi-fiscal activities it did not have cash resources to fund. It resorted to printing money to finance the waning commercial agricultural fortunes of the country but with many beneficiaries of the farms being committed top civil servants and party loyalists, it appeared the government was rewarding its cronies.

The financial assistance from printed money did not yield positive results in improved agricultural productivity and with the government having severed economic links with traditional Western financial backers, inflation ran riot when outputs could not fetch enough to offset inputs costs.

The central figure in all this- the worker- was being ignored by politicians focused on scoring international political points through sanctions and sovereignty contests the country was always destined to lose.

Worker wages were corroded by inflation. Workplace health and safety issues were relegated to backstage politics of patronage. Critical compliance and enforcement rules and regulations to guarantee workplace and environmental safety were suspended.

Garbage collection was politicised and removed from local authority control in politically motivated private contract awards.

A cursory glance at escalators and multi storey building lifts and industrial conveyor belts will show that these critical public health threats were last inspected and government tested no later than 1990 when most of the antiquated machinery driving them has a maximum 5 year safe use guarantee.

Workers and the public must use these antiquated equipment at own risk to personal safety.

Hazardous, toxic waste and raw sewage has been known to be released into main urban water supply reservoirs resulting in sporadic pandemics of waterborne diseases the latest of which has so far officially claimed more than 1200 lives.

With curtailed incomes most of which are insufficient for a single return trip to their workplaces it defies logic that the formally employed workers still find the motivation and energy to wake up every workday to expose themselves to the dangers in their work places.

What is not manifest is that these formal workers are motivated by illegal informal work opportunities that devolve to them from their formal workplaces including opportunities to nick any utility they can lay hands on from employers preoccupied in equally illegal initiatives to raise funding for operations.

But unsuspecting formal workers are paying a heavy price for their dishonesty in presenting themselves for work and using their time there to engage in non work related informal activities.

The pathetic salaries and wages they are paid are commensurate with the effort they put towards their employers’ formal activities.

Most workers are unable to save any of their incomes as they are not sufficient to cover current day to day living needs.

They are however compelled to contribute 3% of their gross income to the National Social Security Pension Fund and in many instances up to 10% of their gross salaries to the Employer’s Group Pension Fund.

When they retire or resign these are the only funds likely to be at their disposal for use in old age.

But they won’t count for much after inflation has taken its toll on their pensions.
Those that find the going hard and quit employment can opt to withdraw their contributions and accrued interest less income tax.

With a guaranteed 5% compound interest against a 231million% official inflation rate they are none the better off.

But it is the displaced employees that seek refuge in the diaspora and those unfortunate enough to face dismissal or forced severance of employment contracts that are in the invidious position of learning to live life under the informal work environment that are at the greatest risk.

With the cover of employment blown they have to go full blown informal traders in what is termed the Black market.

It is an illegal market for trading anything from forex to drugs, minerals, used and used goods.

Many of these tradable commodities are sourced from hard core and ruthless criminals and attract the attention of a depraved and corrupt Police Force.

Those that are legally or illegally dismissed are forced to wait for ages as their severance packages are contested in the judicial process that can take over a decade to conclude and by the time their cases are concluded their claims will be worth nothing thanks to a highly conservative jurisprudence that is impervious to economic developments and politicians whose interests are in rhetorical than practical solution of problems for people they purport to represent.

Now we need Tsvangirai more than MDC supporters-Zanu PF


It boggles the mind how all of a sudden MDC President Morgan Tsvangirai has suddenly become a highly sought after political trophy in politically economically and socially tomfooling Zimbabwe.
Up till 27 June 2008 Morgan Tsvangirai was the most reviled politician in State owned and controlled media. Numerous death warrants were signed therein by the Military, Zanu PF bigots and their wives, War veteran hoodlums and State propagandists.
“Tsvangirai will never set foot in State House. Tsvangirai haalume chinhu. Tsvangirai is a puppet. Tsvangirai is a Jonas Savimbi in the making. Tsvangirai is an intellectual midget. Tsvangirai has dug his own political grave by pulling out of the Presidential runoff election and will be buried in it. We are not in a position to guarantee Tsvangirai’s safety. Tsvangirai is responsible for the sanctions. We are prepared to go back to war if Tsvangirai wins and becomes part of the government. The June 27 presidential election runoff results are not negotiable. We will form a government without Tsvangirai. Zanu PF and MDC are like water and oil, they will not mix. Zimbabwe will never be a colony again.”

They chanted in unison. They wished him dead or away from the Zimbabwe political landscape. They transformed their fantasies into imaginary realities. They created sickening jokes about Tsvangirai failing to return to Zimbabwe to campaign for the runoff. They labelled him a weakling coward undeserving of leadership position.

When he braved the threat and returned to campaign they impounded his election materials. They impounded campaign vehicles and buses as well as his human resources. They butchered his supporters in cold blood. They maimed and raped his campaign activists and detained him in remote police stations to derail his campaign.

Unwanted and exposed to immense danger of being assassinated Tsvangirai was pulled out of the illegitimate presidential runoff he had been coerced to participate by Sadc. He took refuge in the Dutch Embassy and Mugabe completed the runoff race a loner and “won” the election with a landslide 85% up from 43% he was said to have garnered in the initial March 29 election.

By any imagination that was some miraculous recovery. It was an electoral Houdini of the century. Except it did not convince the world and his legitimacy remained in question and much more. Mugabe became a true international political despot.
Previously condoned acts of political savagery returned to haunt Mugabe and Zanu PF and it became obvious that the pyrrhic win in the sham June 27 election by Zanu PF octogenarian leader Robert Mugabe was as worthless as it had never occurred.

Mugabe and Zanu PF were compelled to go back to the drawing board and find alternative means to legitimise the government in Zimbabwe by the AU extraordinary general assembly held in Sharm El Shaik Egypt a day after Mugabe had formalised the silent military coup he had fronted in Zimbabwe.

Among the AU recommendations was that Mugabe had to find ways of legitimising his presidency by negotiating equitable power sharing with his main political rivalry Morgan Tsvangirai.

But on his return Mugabe feigned victory and projected an unassailable victory for himself and Zanu PF.

The grandstanding sent the wrong signals to his loyal supporters who interpreted it to mean it was business as usual for Zanu PF when to the contrary it was never the case.
The mediation route Mugabe had ditched in preference of what he and his party thought was the more advantageous route of harmonised elections in conditions attacked heavily against his opponent Morgan Tsvangirai for there was no other credible challenger, was reactivated when Mugabe begged then South Africa President Thabo Mbeki to help him regain lost legitimacy.

The disgraced former South African President, a key Zanu PF and Mugabe ally obliged by reigniting the mediation process as if nothing had happened in between.

Mbeki strategically decided to involve electorally humiliated Professor Mutambara and his rag tag and vanquished MDC renegades into the mediation process over a disputed presidency they did not have a shred of legitimacy be involved in.

They had decided not to run against Mugabe but rather support Dr Simba Makoni, a divisive Zanu PF political rookie masquerading as an Independent Presidential contestant, yet he had been thrown into the race to neutralise urban discontent with Zanu PF misrule.

He came a cropper with a disputed officially crafted 10% of the Presidential vote. Results posted outside Polling Stations immediately after counting showed him with a projected 5% of the vote.

Be that as it may the resuscitation of the mediation process was not without drama of its own. Prof Mutambara who had fired the renegade MDC group national spokesperson Gabriel Chaibva for having attended the June 30 coronation of Mugabe’s disputed sixth consecutive term as head of State was himself and his two most Senior grouping lieutenants caught pants down in Mugabe occupied State House.

They blamed Tsvangirai for having duped them into attending a mediation talks ground breaker with Thabo Mbeki only for him to pull out at the last minute without warning.
It did not wash. The renegades had been exposed for their lack of political strategy an allegation they had previously levelled on Tsvangirai but without tangible evidence.

The elitist political pretenders were back in the political woods they had been dumped by the electorate long before the start of the revived mediation process and they were always going to struggle to shake off the damage the exposure had caused.

Professor Mutambara and his loyalists put up a thick skin and they were there when the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to form an inclusive government was signed and exceeded expectations when they were there at the signing ceremony of the Global Political Agreement thrashed by the feuding political parties under SADC mediation led by Thabo Mbeki.

And much more Prof Mutambara was designated Deputy Prime Minister Designate of the envisaged inclusive government.

For a Parliamentary constituency electoral reject to resurrect as a Deputy Premier designate in the country where the electorate had rejected his parliamentary bid is no mean political achievement by no means.

And Prof Mutambara is not in the mould of persons to take such monumental achievements with humility and silent panache. He was always going to thumb his nose at the illiterate electorate that had failed to recognise his latent potential and has been on a war path to make that point.

Unless he becomes Deputy Premier in the inclusive government there will be no other solution to the political impasse in the country he has religiously preached to whoever cares listen to him.

The problem though is Morgan Tsvangirai. All the Zanu Pf executioners now agree with Prof Mutambara that the impediment to forming government in Zimbabwe at present is none other than Tsvangirai and his MDC Party.

The reasons for consensus maybe at variance but the root cause are common cause. Tsvangirai is shifting goal posts each time consensus is about to be reached on the inclusive government we are told.

That the goalposts were not shifted but uprooted and sent for recycling by Robert Mugabe and the Joint Military Command (JOC) on April 2, 2008 seems to have escaped the shallow memories of these Zanu PF bigots.

If JOC had not intervened to stop the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission announcing accurate March 29 electoral outcomes the current problems Tsvangirai and his MDC Party are causing would be of no consequence.

Professor Mutambara would not be yearning to be Deputy Premier and insulting anyone who appears to be in the way of him realising that political milestone.

Targeted travel sanctions against Zanu PF stalwarts and prominent beneficiaries which they have mendaciously tried to sell to the nation as sanctions against Zimbabwe with immediate acceptance from their hard hit followers and beneficiaries would not be an issue.

National sovereignty would have assumed new meaning as national sovereignty with economic benefit and empowerment.

Multiple farm ownership and derelict lands would by now have been addressed and commercial productive venture on farms restored from security of tenure, lawful and equitable land distribution.

Tsvangirai would not be a refugee in Botswana and or South Africa but in Zimbabwe as President and spearheading the country’s economic recovery.

Mugabe and Zanu PF would have no reason to fear political insurrection other than electoral defeat and all the political abductions and passport wrangles of recent would not be headline news.

Government formation was mandated by the electorate in the march elections but the military decided the electorate was in the wrong and imposed Mugabe on an unwilling electorate.

That is why today it is Mugabe’s rabid zealots calling on Tsvangirai to return and join Mugabe in a government the electorate has not voted for.

Are we to assume that by some stroke of magic the Zanu PF propaganda hatchet men have now developed an affinity for the Western stooge Morgan Tsvangirai to come and lead them in an inclusive government regardless of his puppetry?

The truth is somewhere other than in the expressed desire for Tsvangirai to join the inclusive government.

If he does not join the inclusive government will not materialise and Mugabe’s legitimacy will remain a mirage.

With all the talk about Tsvangirai being a Jonas Savimbi and the dossiers on MDC terror bases in Botswana why would Tsvangirai want to walk into a well planned political snare to either join the unity government as a powerless accessory or face treason charges in the dossiers?

The call must be for Mugabe and Zanu PF to drop all unwarranted persecutions of suspected and real MDC party activists, invite SADC to discuss his sixth inauguration with the Speaker of Parliament and the Chief justice with a view to holding a harmonised inauguration ceremony for the inclusive government Presidency and Premiership.

The next logical call would be for Mugabe to accept the principle of genuine and equitable power sharing with the man he snatched the Presidency from in March 2008.
That person is not Prof Mutambara but rather Morgan Tsvangirai.

There are 31 agreed Cabinet positions up for grabs and these are in the way of the formation of the envisaged government unless they are equitably distributed between MDC and Zanu PF.

Yet with all the acrimony their allocation has created they can be easily allotted by simply accepting that the inclusive government will work towards the lifting of real or perceived sanctions, reinforcing the land reforms by restoring farm productivity, restoration of economic viability and restoration of democratic and legal rule in the country.

This system can be extended to cover all key government positions allotment and Tsvangirai will be in the country for swearing in as Prime Minister without the need for current calls for him to do so.

That is what he is waiting for. A signal that Zanu Pf is now ready to share power and genuinely address the country’s social and economic problems rather than its current obsession with political and military power.

Thursday, 1 January 2009

Kgalema Motlanthe, Thabo Mbeki, Jacob Zuma and Mugabe birds of same feather?







South Africa’s caretaker President Kgalema Motlanthe is a “caricature”, to borrow from an eminent clergy in his country; Bishop Desmond Tutu, of the Pan Africanism mantra of its colonial liberation movements that have hurt Africa’s economic progress after attainment of Independence from colonial rule. One only needs read his views in an article on one Zimbabwean owned website titled "The EU-Africa summit must go ahead with Mugabe," to come to this conclusion.

Motlanthe made this position clear in his response to a 20 September 2007, article in the British newspaper, 'The Independent', where UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown wrote: "It is also right that I make clear my position on the forthcoming EU-Africa Summit. I want this summit -under the leadership of [Portugal's] Prime Minister Socrates - to be a real success.

"It is a serious opportunity to forge a stronger partnership between the EU and Africa in order to fight poverty, tackle climate change, and agree new initiatives on education, health and peacekeeping...

"I believe that President Mugabe's presence would undermine the Summit, diverting attention from the important issues that need to be resolved. In those circumstances, my attendance would not be appropriate."

Pity South Africa has in the leadership of the ruling ANC, bigoted leaders like Motlanthe. They will drive the last African country to unshackle its people from Western colonial bondage, along the self destruct Freeway, the Zimbabwean leader in whose defense the article was written, has driven Zimbabwe.

Patriotic South Africans must wake up to the reality that in Motlanthe they have a snake in their leadership. If allowed his way Motlanthe will drive the country to a similar fate like the ruins Mugabe has driven Zimbabwe to.

Against evidence available to him in a plethora of reports that there are increased voices of concern from EU member States over Mugabe’s projected visit to the Portugal summit, only Motlanthe has the dubious distinction of lying through the skin of his teeth that it is only the UK that is against the Mugabe invite to grace the EU-Africa summit.

“Except for the UK, the member states of the African Union and the European Union are, as far as I could establish, of one mind that all member states of both Unions should attend the Summit,” he ranted.

Either Motlanthe’s establishment instruments were fatally flawed, incompetent or both, to lead him to a conclusion at variance with what others established in this regard. I am positive Motlanthe is being economic with the truth about his findings with a deliberate intention to swing public sentiment towards supporting Mugabe’s attendance. That is the outcome Motlanthe wishes for and seeks to be supported through his article.
A shared concern?
In my view Motlanthe is a shameless political liar in the mould of Professor Jonathan Moyo; former disgraced Information and Publicity Minister in Mugabe’s illegitimate government of 2000-2005. How else can we be expected to reconcile the lies he peddles against findings of others on this topic?

“Africa has rightly insisted that all countries have a right freely to constitute their delegations. Except for the UK, the EU has accepted this. The UK is demanding that the EU should instruct Zimbabwe to exclude President Mugabe from its delegation, arguing among other things, that he is under an EU travel ban.” Motlanthe shamelessly lies.

The British government has tacitly stated that it will not attend a summit that accommodates Mugabe because of his detested human rights record and the breach his visit will occasion on the EU travel ban imposed against Mugabe and his senior government cronies.

To me that is not the same as the UK prescribing how Zimbabwe should constitute its delegation but rather constitutes a reminder to EU members that Mugabe’s intended invite to Portugal, is a violation of the travel sanctions on him and his cronies that Portugal and any EU member who are signatories of the EU travel sanction protocol, risk violating.

Equally true, the proposal by the British, for the EU and UN to send an emissary to Harare to persuade the junta there to send another representative not affected by the travel ban, is in line with the spirit and letter of upholding the sanctions rather than a directive for Zimbabwe to constitute its delegation as the UK wishes. Rather it is a demand that the sanctions imposed on Zimbabwean officials travel to the EU countries be upheld at all instances.

Britain’s argument that if the EU intents to relax the travel sanctions in this instance, they should do so formally through a consensus of the group in like manner to how they arrived at the sanctions imposition decision on Mugabe’s travel to the EU is rational and sound.

By individually inviting Mugabe, Portugal will be usurping EU powers and authority which Britain as a member is uncomfortable with. Britain has not expressed nor acted in any manner that can be construed to be against any African country intending to attend the EU-Africa summit, constituting its delegation exclusively with people whose names do not appear on a list the EU has banished from setting foot in EU countries other than for defined excerptions, of which the EU-Africa summit in Portugal is not one such excerption.

That should close the subject but not for Motlanthe who wants to be seen through Sadc, to be more concerned about the people of Zimbabwe than the former invaders of Zimbabwe. The crocodile tears shed by Sadc over the plight of Zimbabweans under Mugabe’s repression is there for all to see.

They are charging refugees running to their countries seeking for shelter against Mugabe’s repression, exorbitant visa fees when it is them that endorsed his tenure of office by endorsing clearly stolen elections in 2000, 2002 and 2005.

They have now accepted that the Zimbabwe electoral field needs to be levelled 8 years after it became evident this was the cause of the political malaise in Zimbabwe and only because the EU has imposed sanctions on their colleague which they want to circumvent by agitating for his travel to EU countries to attend a summit where his presence is under current prohibition.

Why should Mugabe and his brutal associates in government’s denial of attendance cause Motlanthe concerns which the refusal of rights and vandalisation of innocent Zimbabweans does not cause. Perhaps Motlanthe can point when he condemned the Gukurahundi massacres, Murambatsvina, Stolen Zimbabwean elections, Land invasions and repossession without compensation, Price wars in Zimbabwe and bashing of political opponents to the extent he defends Mugabe’s luxury of attending the EU-Africa summit to show us his declared concern for the plight of besieged Zimbabweans.

Motlanthe’s concern in Zimbabwe is not about Zimbabweans at large. It is about the continued enjoyment of luxurious lifestyles by Mugabe and his junta regime that they deny citizens of their country militantly. He realises that world attention will soon shift towards South Africa when he presses the self destruct buttons Mugabe pressed under duress from disgruntled constituencies in his party and to fend off imminent loss of political power to the opposition as will happen to the ANC government in the near future. Then he knows, he will need similar protection to the one he envisages for Mugabe. What a selfish politician he is?

“During the recent visit of German Chancellor Angela Merkel to our country, President Mbeki reported publicly that the negotiations were proceeding well and would soon be concluded successfully. Everybody, including the British, knows that already, as a result of an agreement arrived at during the dialogue facilitated under the direction of our President, the Zimbabwe ruling party, Zanu PF, and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) groups jointly sponsored a constitutional amendment in the Zimbabwe parliament,” gloated Motlanthe.

Absolute crap. Why has it taken 9 months to reach agreement on Constitution Amendment No 18 and why is there no further announcement of progress in restoration of voting rights to displaced Zimbabwean refugees in the Diaspora? Why is it taking ages to stop the violence directed towards the opposition by Mugabe and his state apparatus? Why are the retail shelves in Zimbabwe empty? Why is taking ages to open the broadcasting and media spaces to the opposition in Zimbabwe? Why do Zimbabweans still need Police permission to congregate even for funerals? Why is Mudede still registering and compiling the voters’ rolls if the agreement is substantive?

Clearly CA No 18 was announced to put pressure on the Opposition and the EU rather than to further ordinary Zimbabwean interests and rights. Britain is refusing to have that wool pulled over its eyes by a junta regime and its hatchet man like Motlanthe are trying to do, because it has numerous precedents on the devious nature of the Mugabe junta.

The only action Zimbabweans are seeing from Sadc and AU is blind support for Mugabe by African leaders against their reasonable expectations for Sadc leaders to counsel one in their league and halt the economic decline in the country he presides over to ameliorate the suffering endured by his subjects. As long as that has not happened, ordinary Zimbabweans will continue to view people like Motlanthe with great suspicion given his history of endorsing irregular election results in Zimbabwe.

Regime change

“It is regime change and nothing else. The demand is made in clear language -Southern Africa must carry out this task. The question that needs to be asked is whether this demand reflects the views of the British government,” concluded Motlanthe after quoting extensively from the British periodical, 'The Economist', of 5 July 2007 headed "The virtues of isolationism.

This was to be followed by the usual Zanu PF mantra we have so often heard about British imperialism and its sour grapes over lost colonies in Africa.

Mr. Motlanthe must be told in no uncertain terms that regime change is the noble political objective of any political formation. His ANC has already overstayed its welcome in South Africa. I, Hatirebwi Nathaniel Masikati of Zimbabwe, call upon all enlightened democratic forces in South Africa, Sadc and AU, to build opposition capacities in South Africa to fight an emerging junta regime from the power delinquent ANC, before the country is taken to the dungeons of doom by an ANC whose secretariat is headed by a dictator-in-the-making like Motlanthe.

South Africans must never allow this beast a sniff at the country’s presidency and he and his party must be jerked back into reality about what they were elected to do in South Africa.

Why should Motlanthe oppose regime change when his very existence in government is a product of internationally supported regime change that took place in his hitherto Apartheid ruled country which, he now wants to turn into another African junta state?

Stop him before he learns too much from Mugabe who he is drawing closer to daily. If you don't do so soon he will become near impossible to eject from power once he entrenches himself using Mugabe’s techniques. He idolizes the octogenarian despot’s repression and supports his attendance to a summit in a country where his presence has been long declared undesired. Those are dangerous tell-tell signs for South Africans.

Mr Motlanthe has invited me to make this call upon you my brothers and sisters under his subjugation in response to his uninvited campaign for my continued subjugation by Mugabe claiming he has satisfied all your needs and he now wants to work to prop up from failed Mugabe.
I hope the ANC Secretary General takes kindly my call for South Africans to ditch his party at the earliest possible opportunity. He should, in as much as Zimbabweans take him kindly for supporting Mugabe ahead of the suffering people of Zimbabwe.
A promise betrayed

“Charged to preside over the 1979 Lancaster House negotiations to decide the future of the Zimbabwe, the British government still tried everything it could to protect the interests of the same white minority in Zimbabwe whose actions it had denounced in 1965 as illegal, rebellious and treasonable ……blah blah blah,” bleated Motlanthe until as suspected he ended up quoting Claire Short’s letter out of context

The only promise that has been betrayed in Zimbabwe is one by Zanu PF and Mugabe during the liberation struggle that he will allow us to be ruled by consent through a one man one vote electoral process that he has now ditched in favour of a registered one ma several votes system if you belong to Zanu PF.

That way he promised, we will collectively be in charge of our country’s destiny politically socially and economically. He told us that we will have a Zimbabwe of flowing milk and honey and the majority of us believed him. We installed him as our Prime Minister to champion this shared vision for our country which he has now abandoned.

Mugabe not Claire Short or Britain shattered our dreams when he declared himself Executive President on the pretext that would give him adequate powers to deliver the milk and honey to us.

You are coming on the stage rather belatedly. All Mugabe has delivered to us as a President is torture, murder, rape, corruption, hunger, thirst, poor education standards, curtailed electricity supplies, empty supermarkets, redundancy, corruption and selective application of laws.

We are under siege from him and you have the temerity to waste time writing about Claire Short and Mugabe’s attendance to a Portugal Summit where he will regurgitate the mantra you have written and come back to subject us to more vicious forms of abuse and hope we are with you?

Have a life Mr. Motlanthe. Ma Zimbabweans on whose mandate you should show support for Mugabe’s attendance converge that attendance will give him legitimacy and credibility to vitiate their rights. They like me view you as a worse enemy than Ian Douglas Smith.

All Zimbabweans want from your country is support to return our country to democratic governance if you and your country are in a privileged position to do so. We will deal with Claire Short and those of her ilk including her handlers and subordinates collectively under the leadership of a President who presides over us by consent and not by force as is the case with the Mugabe that you support.

If you doubt us ask Rhodie leader Ian Smith as well as John Voster De Klerk and the other Boers that were in charge of your country before we helped in your regime change agenda for your country that has installed you in your powerful seat that you are now abusing to spite us in our hour of need.

This position stands at the heart the majority Zimbabweans and not the Mugabe /Blair/Brown/UK/ EU/USA that you, your government, Sadc and AU, are using Mugabe and innocent Zimbabweans as guinea pigs, to enable you to model your policies and avoid pitfalls Mugabe and his Zanu PF, have fallen into. You and your government are deliberately failing or refusing to pull him out of the political quagmire he is in despite you having all the equipment to do so at your disposal.

To right a wrong - miserable advice

“Many things have gone wrong in Zimbabwe over the years. Our movement, the ANC, has engaged both Zanu PF and the MDC on these matters continuously, honestly and frankly, over many years,” stated Motlanthe before moving on to his illiterate attack on the British 'Observer' published extracts from a paper written by Robert Cooper and published by the Foreign Policy Centre (FPC) entitled "The post-modern state".

In Particular Motlanthe was offended by the perceived British imperialism in the excerpts from that article that he reproduced and read as follows;

"The most logical way to deal with chaos, and the one employed most often in the past, is colonisation. But this is unacceptable to postmodern states. Empire and imperialism are words that have become a form of abuse and no colonial powers are willing to take on the job, though the opportunities -perhaps even the need - for colonisation is as great as it ever was in the nineteenth century. Those left out of the global economy risk falling into a vicious circle. Weak government means disorder and that means falling investment.
"All the conditions for imperialism are there, but both the supply and demand for imperialism has dried up. And yet a world in which the efficient and well-governed export stability and liberty seems eminently desirable.
"What is needed is a new kind of imperialism, one compatible with human rights and cosmopolitan values: an imperialism which aims to bring order and organisation but which rests today on the voluntary principle."

What offended Motlanthe from the averments above is that the British government, which draws advice from a person of Cooper’s imperial inclination, has been very vocal about its underlying reasons for opposing Mugabe’s human rights abuses in Zimbabwe as being premised on its sympathy for oppressed Zimbabweans.

Apparently Cooper exposes their intentions are driven by imperial expansionism more so than humanitarian empathies as the British government professes.

Zanu PF has already oversold that line to Zimbabweans and was believed by many at first. Now because Zanu PF has been soiled by its past lies it has recruited Motlanthe to do its bidding. Attempts from seasoned Zanu PF spin doctors to do so are falling on deaf ears. Pity Motlanthe's feeble attempt will meet with the same fate in impoverished Zimbabwe.

Motlanthe severely underestimates the literacy levels in Zimbabwe for him to sink so low as to peddle such blatant falsehoods and use quotations out of context to revive a discredited and irrelevant Zanu PF political line of argument.

Firstly, it is common cause among many Zimbabweans opposed to Mugabe’s junta, that the ANC and its RSA government played Zanu PF hatchet man in causing the MDC split to weaken the opposition ahead of 2008 Presidential election in Zimbabwe. They had elaborate plans to motivate Sadc to put pressure on Mugabe and his junta to stage these elections in a credible environment after the opposition was weakened by the split.

Secondly, it is common cause to all Zimbabweans that the split did not weaken the opposition to the extent powers in South Africa envisaged. As a result the South Africans having been mandated by Sadc to preside over crisis resolution in Zimbabwe were forced to elevate a clearly unrepresentative and illegitimated faction or splinter group of the MDC to attend Sadc talks at par with the registered and recognised party.

This was after advice to stifle the MDC through denial of merited State political financing, which was channelled to the splinter group, failed to break the backbone of the core grouping.

The CA No 18 trap terribly misfired as it has now ensnared the facilitators and Zanu PF whereas it was intended to snare Tsvangirai. He and his core MDC group were expected to reject the piecemeal amendment of the constitution but surprised many even in his own party by accepting the changes.

Now that Tsvangirai is on the offensive demanding reducing to writing and action, the promises Mbeki and his negotiators used to coax Tsvangirai into signing CA No 18 thereby setting him on a collision path with his staunch Civic grouping supporters, which collision he has tactfully averted, it is time for Motlanthe to disclose that ANC is closer to the MDC than the British.

If that is the case where does that leave the oversold Zanu PF accusations about the MDC being a puppet of the British regime change agenda in Zimbabwe? Motlanthe sets of towing this line but paradoxically destroys it in the same article. It is not easy to lie in perpetuity without letting the lie out through contradictions.

The undeniable fact is that whatever ANC has done in Zimbabwe to date, it has been for the furtherance of Zanu PF hegemony and destruction of MDC whose successes in Zimbabwe are motivating a Cosatu led opposition that will cause ANC the political headaches Kaunda and Mugabe have faced from MMD and MDC respectively.

Kaunda lost his 27 year political power grip in Zambia to the MMD under Chiluba at the first attempt. Mugabe had to rig the 2000 election outcome after MDC had pulled a similar feat.

Because of lawlessness rigging may not be a survival option available to the ANC when challenged by a Cosatu led opposition and such prospect is not farfetched. For the ANC therefore, the best defence is to be offensive and if Motlanthe can see off the MDC challenge on a faltering Zanu PF and Mugabe that will delay a Cosatu led political formation in South Africa.

That is the motive behind Motlanthe horning his expertise and perfecting the imperial mantra now in neighbouring Zimbabwe than wait to practice it when it is in the RSA political domain.

As can be seen if Motlanthe was arguing with South African opposition over Cooper’s comments, the opposition would have had a field day dismissing Motlanthe.

Cooper argues that the political correctness of using the word imperialism has been discredited by the injustices that occurred during the British colonisation of Africa.

He however deliberately and with intention to gain attention, uses the phrase to describe the current ongoing global initiative against Human Rights abuses. He metaphorically advances that human rights abusers must be colonized by the global human rights compliant nations, to speedily resolve the human rights abuse crises gripping the world’s black spots like Zimbabwe in like manner imperialism and colonisation was used to assert British influence in the past.

There you have it Mr Motlanthe. That is why the response outlined includes;

An AU-EU partnership

To jointly agree means to fight human abuses in every nook and cradle of the global village where they are being trampled like in Zimbabwe, DRC, Sudan, Cuba to name but a few examples. The meeting cannot be expected to degenerate to the level of discussing a Kangai/Short letter out of context as Motlanthe seems to suggest.

If that is what President Mugabe expects, he should rightly be excluded, and the meeting should go ahead as planned. "It must attend seriously to the important issues of poverty alleviation, abolition of human rights abuses, economic advancement and political tolerance that are of fundamental concern to Africa and the EU, rather than allow itself to be imprisoned and paralysed by dangerous and destructive," Pan Africanist dictatorial dogma to further corruption and fascism.

That is why “in a 2007 document, the EU commits itself to a strategy that "proposes forging a strategic security and development partnership between the EU and Africa. The strategy focuses on key requirements for sustainable development such as peace and security, good and effective governance, trade, interconnectivity, social cohesion and environmental sustainability. New initiatives have been launched, most notably a governance initiative and a Euro-African Partnership for Infrastructure, which was launched in July 2006,” Motlanthe finally got it right

"Under the Governance Initiative, the EU will, for instance, provide support for reforms triggered by the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a unique tool for peer review and peer learning in good democratic governance by and for Africans. And in the context of the Partnership for Infrastructure, the EU will support programmes that facilitate interconnectivity at continental level to promote regional trade, integration, stability and development," advanced Cooper in his so called imperialistic advice to Britain.

One wonders what kind of imperialism this will be if it will support “APRM triggered reforms” and “programmes that facilitate interconnectivity at continental level to promote regional trade, integration, stability and development," to echo seemingly confused Motlanthe as well as the EU and Cooper

“These are some of the matters that should be discussed during the December EU-Africa Summit. Others must include comprehensive EU support for NEPAD, the strengthening of the AU, sustained resource transfers to Africa to help us to meet the Millennium Development Goals and sustained development to defeat poverty and underdevelopment, and genuine respect for the independence and sovereign voice of the peoples of Africa,” Motlanthe seems to have seen the light.

But how will the obvious British and Mugabe heckling at the Portugal summit advance those noble and serious matters Mr. Motlanthe? If Mugabe’s attendance will further the advancement of those issues more so than the British attendance will or vice versa, then the African leaders must choose who to put their weight behind in the impasse that has arisen.

By taking sides the leaders should know that they are duty bound to protect and further the interests of their various countries and people that the EU, and certainly not Mugabe, can help sponsor morally, materially and financially.

Good leaders must learn never to compromise benefit that could accrue to millions of people to save the waning political fortunes of a geriatric leader who has outlived his usefulness to his country and people.

It would be very good if AU member states can go to Lisbon in December to explore continental alliances with the EU to levels they enjoy with the Asian continent without being distracted by the Mugabe/Britain colonial vestiges that will contribute nothing to the Developmental needs of Africa.

Maybe its time Africa lobbies for the exclusion of both Brown and Mugabe at this summit to save it. The two countries can be represented at the same level by people who are not controversial and barred in the host country to avert the need for special resolutions to be passed to save the summit. That of course can only be necessary if the EU-Africa summit is that important for the people of Africa and not for the political aggrandizement of certain leaders.

Thursday, 25 December 2008

Thank you for the gifts this Christmas







Zimbabwean politicians are not renowned for their generosity. If anything they are reputed for a mean brand of politics that polarises people and has little room for lasting compromises. It becomes difficult to decide which one to thank or deplore without inviting a torrent of criticism from the polarised Zimbabweans.Here is the beginning of my post.

In 2008 many politicians within and outside Zimbabwe have held their own and deserve to be thanked for their efforts in shaping the living conditions in Zimbabwe to the state they are in today.

The Zimbabwean electorate deserves special thanks for its courage in voting resoundingly for change on 29 March 2008. Pity their courage did not count for much towards the change they yearn for. All is not in vain however as the process they started is still centre stage of the politics in the country this Christmas.

Self styled political analysts and commentators also left an indelible mark on the political landscape in Zimbabwe. Their leading opinions on harmonised 29 March 2008 elections were as polarised as the country’s political landscape is.
The chattering politicians had some awful predictions about the outcome of the Presidential elections.
Many in the elitist school predicted a Dr Makoni win in a vigorous Web based campaign that was proved way off the mark by the electoral outcome and they went into hibernation only to resurface months later when the Junta prevented the winner’s coronation by forcing a sham Presidential poll.

Al the same they must be thanked for showing Zimbabweans that their eliticism can only aide survival of the Junta and nothing more.

Because of their esteemed political positions some people deserve special mention for their contributions to the political state of Zimbabwe today.

Trudy Stevenson, Priscilla Misihairambwi Mushonga and Gabriel Chaibva deserve to be thanked for showing Zimbabweans that they are not worthy of the trust that had been invested in them as MDC Parliamentarians.

They blame MDC leader Tsvangirai for the political and economic malaise gripping the country yet they were part of his inner circle and won political reputation under his leadership only to crumble into oblivion when they decided to backstab him in vain.

Dr Simba Makoni, Dr Dumiso Dabengwa Prof Jonathan Moyo and Prof Welshman Ncube deserve special thanks for their contribution to the current political impasse in the country.

Aided by news magnate Trevor Ncube and his media group the proponents of political eliticism deserve special mention for fooling the electorate that they were interested in change from Zanu PF fascism when infact theirs was a mission to derail regime change by dividing opposition to Zanu PF and Mugabe leadership.

We shall forever remain indebted for your intuitive strategy that aided the vote rigging that bestowed a Junta regime upon us this Christmas.

We can only wish you many more years in the politics of eliticism that will further alienate yourselves from the generality of the populace.

Emmerson Mnangagwa, Patrick Chinamasa, Dr Sikhanyiso Ndlovu, Nathaniel Manheru, Bright Matonga, Dr Tofatoona Mahoso, Happyton Muchechetere, Munyaradzi Huni, Caesar Zvayi, Reason Wafawarova, Caesar Zvayi, Mabasa Sasa, Jorum Nyathi, Itayi Garande, Mthulisi Mathuthu, George Shire and the rest of the Junta’s information crew we thank you for leading the crusade to retain the current hegemony.

Surely we could not be any better off than we are now if you had promoted democratic ideals in your opinions?

But it was the comical side of your lethargic views that we will never forget. The West recolonisation agenda, the Sanctions, the Cholera, the Anthrax, the abduction Denials, the Price wars, the Trumped up charges, the Cover ups, the Mugabe praise songs and the low opinions you hold for our desire for change deserves our eternal gratitude don’t you think?

Prof Arthur Mutambara thank you for branding the MDC to MDC PF and the generational thinking thought process that seeks to create a universally competitive economy in our country. Thank you for vacillating between promoting international integration and ostracising integration with Western values led by undereducated politicians who do not see the value of a Zimbabwe whose people are subservient to Zanu PF as long as you are the Deputy Prime Minister.

Infact we must all be grateful for you retaining a separate political existence from the shallow MDC oppositional rhetoric and moulding a truly Zimbabwean opposition to Zanu PF that seeks to unite Zimbabweans under Mugabe’s incisive leadership of the Unity Government that in your opinion is panacea to all our woes as a country.

We must also never forget to thank you for promoting that unity by leading a tribal breakaway faction of the politicians opposed to Mugabe.

Dr Dumiso Dabengwa has taken a cue from your politics of tribal division to achieve national unity and integration and we are sure you will forge strong alliances with him and bring our economic woes to an abrupt end something the “intellectual midget” leading the MDC has failed to achieve in the past decade despite having support of most Zimbabweans other than those behind you and Zanu PF and your shared militia.

We further thank your wisdom in cobbling a flawed Unity Government framework with a view of extinguishing political diversity and moving the country towards the one party state that Zanu PF has failed to achieve over 3 decades of uninterrupted rule in the country.

Your gate crash entry into mainstream politics by spearheading factionalism and coalitions thereafter has resolved our political docility and improved our social and economic status or has it done the opposite?

All the same we thank you as we now more the wiser that it will not serve democratic promotion to bank our votes in any political formation under your stewardship now and in future as you prefer elitist negotiated political settlements over electoral democracy many of us subscribe to.

We know that in future even if we do not choose your leadership you will always use your superior intellect to thump your nose at us by forcing an endless negotiated political settlement that embraces the violent and vicious for political expediency.

We thank you for admitting that you and your faction are electorally irrelevant but intellectually formidable therefore next time elections are held we will bear that uppermost in our minds and decide who to vote for on that basis.

A big thank you to the late Elliot Manyika, Jabulani Sibanda, Saviour Kasukuwere, Nicholas Goche, Joseph Chinotimba and their unholy partnership with Constantine Chiwenga, Augustine Chihuri, Happyton Bonyongwe and Paradzai Zimondi aide by economic saboteurs Godwills Musimirambwi and Gideon Gono.

Because of your immeasurable patriotism guys our hospitals are empty deserted and forlorn, our shops are full of steel shelves with nothing on display, our schools are full of dilapidated furniture no one is prepared to use, our food self sufficiency is guaranteed by produce from farms you viciously repossessed and parcelled to your cronies, our clean water supplies are now internationally reputed for the catastrophic spread of cholera and other waterborne diseases, HIV and malnutrition have reached endemic levels and our currency has accumulated so many zeroes we no longer can pronounce our value in figures.
We thank you.

Kgalema Motlanthe, Jacob Zuma, King Mswati, Thabo Mbeki, Hifikepunye Lucas Pohamba Armando Gabueza, José Eduardo dos Santos, Joseph Kabila, Hu Jintao, Dmitry Medvedev and all likeminded African and Eastern bloc political leaders, thank you for promoting and supporting impunity and unbridled onslaught against humanity and electoral democracy in our country.

We shall forever remain indebted for your support of an elitist political process that rewards electoral losers with totalitarian power to determine the fate of over 13 million people 80% of whom are living in abject poverty and gripping fear of political repression from aid extended to the Junta in our country by your countries.
Umaru Yar'Adua, Abdoulaye Wade, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Seretse Khama Ian Khama, the late Levy Mwanawasa, Barrack Obama, John Howard, Reverend Allan Boesak, George Bush, Angela Merkel, Nicolas Sarkozy, Stephen Harper, Kevin Rudd, Gordon Brown, David Cameron. Mosiuoa “Terror” Lekota, Dr. Condoleezza Rice, Jendayi Elizabeth Frazer, Raila Odinga, Archbishop Joseph Sentamu, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, Pascal Couchepin Ban Ki-moon, Kofi Annan and all likeminded world leaders Zimbabweans will forever remember the solidarity you have expressed in their fight against Zanu PF fascism.

Many among you have other pressing national issues for people in your respective countries and in many instances you have inherited a morally debilitating historical association with colonial Zimbabwe but that has not dissuaded from expressing solidarity with oppressed Zimbabweans.

Your vocal disapproval of dictatorship in Zimbabwe has been heart warming for many Zimbabweans.

If only you could prevail on the anchors of the fascist junta in Zimbabwe to desist from propping up the junta with material aid it uses to suppress dissent with reckless abandon, Zimbabwe will by the next Christmas take pride of place in global politics and economic activity.

Zimbabweans wait for that day with increased trepidation and forbearance.

Robert Gabriel Mugabe does not deserve any thanks from anyone. He has refused to uphold the oath of office he took when he was elected president and has used the military and all pillars of state power to suppress and dominate Zimbabweans.

His self made presidency is the reason why this Christmas is bleak for all Zimbabweans rich or poor alike.

Many innocent victims of Mugabe’s misrule are separated from family and friends and a great many others are languishing in secluded detention for trumped up political charges.

Thousands of prime and nascent lives are being lost to diseases and famine Mugabe has capacity to mitigate by simply accepting the outcome of a democratic process but alas he does not and continues to plunder the social economic and political fabric with impunity.

For that reason he is the only politician I will not thank this Christmas. Not that it will take anything away from him but regardless of how impervious he is to correction I will still withhold my appreciation for what he did because that is the only way to register to him the displeasure of many Zimbabweans with his self imposed rule.

Morgan Tsvangirai may have many shortcomings as a person and politician but it is him that I will reserve the bulk of my appreciation for forcing Mugabe and his Junta into a corner they are struggling to fight out of.

By taking calculated political risks Tsvangirai and his MDC advisors have managed to open world eyes to the humanitarian catastrophe in Zimbabwe.

International food aid and medical aid operations have been restored after the Junta led by Mugabe had punitively suspended such operations for political expediency.

The undemocratic Unity Government pact he entered into remain on the drawing board because Zanu PF and Mugabe want to use it for entrenching themselves in power when its purpose was to allow smooth transition from the Junta state Mugabe had sanctioned on 27 June to the electoral democracy it has always claimed to be albeit falsely.

But the greatest gift from Tsvangirai and his MDC party has been the exposure of Mugabe and Zanu PF as a fake democratic political institution to the whole world.

The greatest gift has been the threat of a pullout from the Unity Government unless abducted people in jails and police detente for political crimes they have not been charged of committing, tried and convicted.

Christmas was ever going to be agonising in Zimbabwe but for families and friends of the abductees only Mugabe and his vicious police force knew of their whereabouts, the agony was unbearable and Tsvangirai’s threat archived the relief families needed in knowing that their loved ones were still alive notwithstanding the victimisation and deprivation they had been subjected to.

In the coming new year I have the greatest expectation that MDC and Tsvangirai will usher the changes we yearn for by forcing Mugabe to share power equitably in the transitional Unity government or pulling out of the project altogether if Mugabe and Zanu PF persist with the smash and grab political brinkmanship they have displayed since 29 March 2008.

Setting 29 March 2009 as the deadline for setting the inclusive government or its collapse is not a bad idea at all.

Kufamba NaJesu